Notes on holistic medical research
Prepared by John Heron for the Research Council for
Complementary Medicine, London, 1983.
On general philosophical grounds we take
the view that patients are persons; and that persons have the capacity
to be self-determining - as agents they are causes of their own
behaviour. Such causation through personal agency is sui generis:
it cannot be reduced to some other, e.g. purely physical, sort of
causality - although it may interact with and impinge upon the latter.
The capacity to be self-determining, we
hold, means also something more than the ability to exercise choice in
overt action. It also includes a capacity for physiological
self-regulation. Persons, through biofeedback, autogenic training,
relaxation, visualization and meditation, can directly influence
physiological processes. The full range and extent to which
physiological processes can be affected by such internal agency is at
present unknown. But we know no reasons, philosophical or empirical, to
suppose that the potential for such influence is not vast.
We require of any research method in
medicine that it should respect persons (patients) as self-determining
in these two fundamental respects. It should respect patients as persons
whose external actions are freely determined by full and relevant
information, and whose internal actions have great potential for
physiological self-regulation.
We therefore object to conventional
research protocols which take patients matched with respect to disease
conditions and other variables and randomly assign them to a
treatment group and a control group. Random assignment treats the
patients as less than persons because it contradicts their right to
fully informed self-determination in the selection of available
treatments. And in a more subtle way it contradicts their right to
develop their potential for physiological self-regulation in the direct
management of their disease: it does this by keeping patients quietly in
the dark about this potential, for if they started to practise such
self-regulation this would be an additional and unscheduled treatment
variable that might foul up the experimental design. In a nutshell,
traditional research protocols necessarily by their nature and
assumptions treat persons who are the subjects as other-determined, not
as self-determining.
Nor will it do to argue that these objections can be met by the
principle of informed consent. Such consent in conventional medical
research is ill-informed or improperly informed. Thus it is not made
clear to prospective trial subjects (a) that they have potential
self-healing power through physiological self-regulation, and (b) that
for purposes of the experiment they are being asked to abdicate the use
of this. Thus ill-informed consent is obtained by exploiting the
uneducated Cartesian passivity of current patient populations. Nor is
full information given about all that is known about the treatment
to be tested, for, from the standpoint of the conventional approach,
this might generate a distorting mental set that could interfere with
a proper appraisal of the "objective" effects of the treatment or it
might undermine patient compliance.
The point about informed consent is that it could only be
given by prospective trial subjects if they had been given full
information on the developmental history of the treatment or drug to be
tested, on the experimental design and the assumptions on which it is
based, on the full range of alternative treatments available, on human
potential for physiological self-regulation. But what seriously ill
rational being would give consent to participate in a
standard experimental protocol after due consideration of all this? And
what conventional researcher would consent to give out such information
knowing that it would both subvert patient compliance with the
experimental design and distort the design itself?
Random assignment also may pose a real moral problem for
clinician-researchers who want to research a treatment on
seriously ill patients and who believe on the basis of available
clinical evidence that the treatment is effective. They will find it
ethically unacceptable to withhold the treatment from some of their
patients by assigning them to the no-treatment control group or to a
comparison group using conventional but ineffective treatment.
A research method which uses as a central protocol random
assignment of patients to treatment and control groups sustains a
culture of alienation among patients, in which they are conditioned to
be cut off from what is going on in their bodies - from free and fully
informed decisions in the selection of treatments, and from
physiological self-regulation in the self-management of their disease.
It encourages and sustains the Cartesian split: doctors and patients see
bodies as alienated from the exercise of self-determination and the
influence of mind. And it keeps the development of medical knowledge
firmly in the hands of the medical researchers, and out of the hands of
the patients to whom it is supposed to refer.
Conventional medical research does of course paradoxically
acknowledge the direct influence of the mind on physiological states -
in the so-called placebo effect - but does so only in order to control
for it and separate if off from the "objective" physical effect of the
treatment. The conventional paradigm is thus separatist and
reductionist: it wants to separate off mental from physical effects and
reduce analysis of treatment to independent physical effects.
By contrast we believe medical research needs to be inclusive and
holistic, adopting a contextual or ecological approach to inquiry into
treatment. Treatment is always in a context. It is a dynamic part of a
system, and it needs to be explained and understood in terms of its
interconnectedness within that whole system. Take acupuncture treatment.
The context or system in which it occurs includes at least the following
parts: the location and depth of insertion of the needle; the way in
which the needle is manipulated by the practitioners; the behavioural
cues and sensations of the patients during and after this manipulation;
the physiological states of the patient before, during and after
insertion; the state of the morphogenetic field of the patient's body
(and of the practitioner's body) before, during and after treatment;
intentions, expectations, emotional states and unconscious mental
processes of the patient and of the practitioner before, during and
after treatment; current and other sorts of interaction between patient
and practitioner, such as counselling or patient self-help contracts;
the psychosocial and physical history of the patient and current
psychosocial situation; the norms, values and belief-systems of the
wider culture within which the treatment is set.
Such a contextual system within which treatment occurs is highly
complex, including orders or levels of being - the physical, the
morphogenetic, the psychosocial. A contextual or systemic inquiry would
presumably have two basic stages. The first stage would be to
formulate some hypothetical model of the basic sorts of patterning
within the system. Such a model might derive from a consideration of
such questions as: Is the system hierarchical? If so, which parts are
included in which? In what respects are the parts functionally
autonomous, and in what respects functionally interactive? Is the
interface between the autonomous and the interactive variable, and if
so, what factors might influence this variability? What's the
relationship between a hierarchy within a level of being, and a
hierarchy between different levels of being? And so on. See
paragraphs 19 and 20 below.
The second stage of a contextual inquiry would be to test the
fit of this conceptual model in the context of actual treatment. This is
the empirical part of the inquiry and we would hold that it is necessarily participatory:
those who are in the system and
constitutive of it - the practitioner and patient - are necessarily
front-line researchers since they alone have adequate access to
central parts of the system, such as intentions, beliefs and
expectations. Observers relatively external to the system may provide
some pertinent data that throws further light on what is going on within
the system: but what the system is and how this light is thrown can only
be defined firstly from participation within it. And if external.
observers join the system sufficiently to be able to discriminate it
from within, then they are no longer external observers but are
contributing to and participating in the treatment process.
Contextual inquiry, then, converts the practitioners into a
researcher, the treatment process into a concurrent inquiry
process, and the patient into a co-researcher who is invited to
internalize and co-operate in the inquiry. This means that treatment
becomes also a form of action research in which practitioner and
patient collaborate in generating knowledge about the whole treatment
context or system through collaborating in seeking to bring about change
in the patient's ill health. Such a collaborative action research model
follows too from the requirement that medical research should respect
the patient as a self-determining person: the model can honour both
informed free choice of treatment, and the exercise of physiological
self-regulation.
Patient collaboration can vary on a continuum from the
patient being fully involved as creative and imaginative co-researcher,
to the practitioners sharing full information at all stages and seeking
patient assent. It is clearly important to acknowledge this continuum,
since patients vary enormously with respect to age, intelligence,
education, and debility due to disease process.
In contextual inquiry into complementary medicine, the question is
not simply: Does acupuncture work? Is there an active principle in
homoeopathic remedies? It is rather: In the context of what whole
treatment system does acupuncture work? When acupuncture "works" what is
the patterning of elements or parts of this system, and what is the
pattern of interacting factors that contribute to the treatment outcome?
Now a basic objection to this from the conventional
research standpoint will be that it provides no way of separating out
whether the acupuncture per se has any effect independent of all the
other variables: as long as it is studied only when embedded in the
midst of a host of other treatment variables, you will never know
whether it is having any effect at all as distinct from other parts of
the treatment. An equally basic answer to this objection is that there
is no such thing as a physical treatment per se: physical
treatment is always given in a psychosocial context, and in the context
of the formative field of the patient's body. If the context is
hierarchically influential in determining how the physical treatment
works, it's no good selecting physical treatments from the bizarre
contexts of conventional research designs: rather we need to understand
physical treatments in dynamic interaction with their normal fully
fledged person to person context.
Validity can be sought in various ways. Firstly, as in all action
research, the patient-practitioner dyad is its own control on a serial
basis. The dyad has a working conceptual model of the treatment context
with its different levels, applies this in treatment actions, and uses
data from this application to amend, refine and correct the model. So
treatment model and treatment action reciprocally control and modify
each other over time. Secondly, the practitioner can use data from his
own previous dyads as a further basis for comparison and control.
Thirdly, peer groups of practitioners, with or without some of the
patients involved attending, can compare and contrast their current and
past dyadic findings. What is essentially involved in all this is that a
whole variety of perspectives on the dynamic of the treatment context
are used to clarify a valid account of it. Over the whole sub-culture of
such treatment dyads there will be trial and error, experimentation,
appropriate attempts at falsification - a criss-cross of findings used
to inform each other and provide starting points for future inquiries.
A research culture of contextual inquiry involves some major shifts
of attitude both for patients and practitioner. Instead of patients
being those who have been arbitrarily afflicted by a disease process and
passively await the expert delivery of care, they become persons
challenged with an opportunity for increased self-determination through
active participation in a process of inquiry and learning. And
practitioners, instead of seeing themselves as delivering a
theoretical and technical system of physical treatment, see themselves
as participants in a whole treatment context of which their particular
physical specialty is but one dynamically interacting part. It may be
that for some practitioners, or indeed for some whole school or modality
of complementary therapy, principles enshrined in the theoretical and
technical system of this physical treatment will need to yield to
somewhat different principles born out in action research contextual
inquiry into the use of that physical treatment.
The first stage in contextual inquiry, mentioned above, is to formulate some conceptual model for the way in
which components of the treatment context interact to form a dynamic
system. As a prolegomenon to this stage, it may be useful to look at the
explanatory notion of causation. This concept of causation is used as a
way of explaining and understanding how it is brought about. But there
are many different sorts of causation (sorts of change), and one
important business for an holistic, ecological, contextual sort of
inquiry is to separate them out and understand something about their
systemic interaction. For such interaction will have a fundamental
bearing upon both the aetiological and therapeutic aspects of treatment.
The following sorts of causation have a prima facie claim to be
considered as not obviously reducible to each other:
- Energetic (efficient or mechanistic) causation: linear in time,
the cause precedes the effect; involves some kind of energy
transaction; used in the physical sciences.
- Formative causation: involves the notion of non-physical fields
with patterns that determine the development, the spatial ordering,
the maintenance, of physical forms; used (by some) in biology.
- Mutual causation: involves a circuit of interactions in
which no one part is the cause of what happens in any other, each
part acts on and is acted upon by each of the others, persons in
relation with each other provide a basic example.
- Subintentional causation: unconscious and other mental states in
a person unawarely alter overt behaviour or manifest in overt
physical symptoms.
- Unintentional or belief causation: as in the so—called
placebo effect, when believing that something will have a physical
effect produces that effect.
- Intentional causation: the conscious exercise of choice or will
in causing changes in overt behaviour or in physiological states.
- Normative causation: the influence of the norms and values of a
culture, of social tradition, in shaping thinking, attitude and
behaviour.
- Archetypal causation: the influence (if there be such) of
archetypes, imaginals, Platonic forms, "the Gods".
- Divine causation: cosmogenesis and cosmosustenance; emanation
from the divine beyond, emergence from the divine within.
For everyday practical purposes this list can be boiled
down to five: (a) energetic causation; (b) formative causation;
(c)
mutual causation; (d) mental causation (including subintentional,
unintentional and intentional); (e) normative causation. Is there a contextual hierarchy here? The norms, values, beliefs of society (e)
provide the necessary condition for the development of intentional
behaviour (d) which provides the necessary condition for human
communication and interaction (c) which in turn provides the necessary
conditions for bringing about changes in the physical body (b) and (a).
Maybe there is a descending causal hierarchy too. Thus the more
enlightened the norms, values and beliefs of a social system, the more
self-determining intentional behaviour is, which improves the quality of
human interaction and communication, which strengthens the formative
field of the body, which becomes physiologically healthier. And maybe
there is also a return ascending causal sequence. Perhaps, further,
there is a relative autonomy about the functioning of the causal mode at
each level, yet the limits and fluctuation of this autonomy are set by
the causal modes of higher levels and are subject to influence from the
causal modes of lower levels. All these speculations are intended merely
to suggest ways of starting to conceptualize in systemic terms the
whole context of treatment.